WASHINGTON — With fewer than two months left before the midterms, the President’s political operation has quietly become one of the most consequential institutions in American government, with a balance sheet that would make a mid-sized country pause before signing a trade deal. MAGA Inc. reported roughly $403.5 million in cash on hand as of the end of July, and the President has now said he intends to deploy between $400 million and $500 million of it to help Republicans defend the House.

That number, by the way, is the least interesting number in this story.

The more remarkable figure is the one nobody is talking about: the split. The President’s total political treasury is believed to be around $850 million, divided between the super PAC, which can spend directly on races, and a nonprofit arm, which — and this is the detail that has the FEC filing its paperwork in triplicate — “can advocate on policy.”

Can advocate on policy.

That is a phrase that has not existed in American campaign finance before now, and yet here it is, printed in plain English, on the record. A nonprofit that does not run ads but can, apparently, talk about what the ads are for.

“Nobody understands the distinction,” said a senior GOP strategist, when asked. “But we do. One bucket you spend. The other bucket you use to talk about what you spent. That’s not a loophole. That’s fiscal discipline.

The Democrats, to their credit, have responded in kind. Their strategy is to push deep into Republican territory, running challengers in districts that, by the traditional metrics, were not designed to produce challengers. It is, as one Democratic field director put it, “the only plan we have, and it’s a good one.”

Both parties, in other words, are now spending more money than either side has ever spent in a midterm, and both are calling it “prudence.”

THE WAR CHEST, AS FILED

  • Total on hand: roughly $850 million, split across two entities.
  • MAGA Inc. (spendable): about $400 million, per July filings.
  • The nonprofit arm: about $450 million, which can "advocate on policy."
  • What the President has committed to spend on the midterms: $400 to $500 million.
  • What the FEC's public guidance says about the nonprofit arm: a document still being drafted.
  • What the Democrats are doing: running in places they've never run before, on a budget they will not disclose.

A former White House communications director, who asked not to be named because he has, as he put it, “learned to be careful about money,” offered what may be the cleanest explanation of the entire arrangement.

“The super PAC is the wallet,” he said. “The nonprofit is the mouth. You need both to have a functioning government.”

He paused, then added, unprompted, “And they’re both real wallets. They have real numbers. That’s the thing people keep missing — this is not a hypothetical. This is a spreadsheet with a balance.”

That is the part that should be reassuring. In a year when the other numbers have been, at various points, contested, revised, or quietly rounded, the President’s political treasury is a number with a source, a filing date, and a custodian. It is the most honest number in American politics, and it is the only one that both parties agree on.

The only thing they can’t agree on is what it’s for.

At press time, MAGA Inc. had not released a spending schedule for the $400 million, but a spokesperson said the money would be “deployed where it matters most,” and that the nonprofit arm’s policy-advocacy budget had already been “partially allocated” to “a robust communications strategy.” The FEC, for its part, issued a statement describing the two-entity structure as “consistent with existing law,” and then, in a second statement, “consistent with further review.”